Monday 5 December 2016

International Governance

International Governance
            The world needs international governance regime to channel polarized regions towards effective and unified common action. In the modern times, no country (irrespective of how powerful it is) can respond to multiple challenges in an increasingly globalized planet[1]. Some of the rising matters include instability in the Middle East, global warming, and financial crises. Similarly, several international governance regimes fall short in their mandate to lead the nations on a path towards economic prosperity and improvement of health standards. Therefore, the parties involved should introduce more legitimate and effective forms of international leadership to guarantee compromises and agreements for a collective action.
            The European Union is gradually curving its role in international governance, especially in this time of growing interdependence between countries and the rebalancing of power. The emergence of China, India, and Russia as potential superpowers accelerates EU efforts to solidify its position on the global stage. International governance refers to the collaboration of sovereign powers on shared challenges that in the past were limited to security and peace but have remarkably risen over the past three decades.
            Today, the issues include trade negotiations, environmental conditions, human and drug trafficking, counter-terrorism, and pandemics. Practically, an establishment of formal institutions like EU and G20 ensures cooperation in handling these problems. However, the growing distrust among members in recent years has led to diverging nationalistic interests, hence making it harder for them to implement the agreed policies[2]. For instance, free-riding within EU states imposes a heavy burden on a handful of countries such as Germany and France while the benefits are universal. On a Global scale, the major developed countries incur a heavy economic cost in reducing greenhouse gas emission while the developing countries reap the benefits.
Undeniably, the institutions to boost international corporations are still in their infancy. In the West, Union’s member states call for the reformation of representation to accommodate global changes and the union’s growth. While boasts 25 member states, it is interesting to note that only 13 countries claim the founding membership status. Furthermore, since the European Union joined Lisbon Treaty, has set unrealistic ambitions to establish itself as a cohesive and strong force in international affairs. Even the most optimistic international relations experts cannot be certain on EU’s ability to define long-term rules without being marginalized by China, Russia, and most recently the United Kingdom.
In the year 2009, the European Union entered Lisbon treaty to boost its international ambitions. Resultantly, it introduced the European External Action Service but failed to secure a full UN General Assembly representation. While more than 180 countries voted in favor of the organization, the UN leadership accorded EU an honorary membership status which denies it voting rights. The European block’s inability to fairly handle global issues led to its failure to secure a key spot in the UN. As the developing countries in Africa and Asia emerge, the EU’s global governance role shrinks due to a sluggish economy, stringent policies, and neglect of core international values such as sovereignty. In fact, the 2008 economic crash reflected the waning power of EU and its inability to effectively manage the aftermath in a path towards recovery. A decade later, several Eastern European countries still grapple with soaring rates of unemployment. In addition, the influx of refugees from Africa and the Middle East not only amplifies the organization’s incompetence but also raises concerns among the citizens of the member states. Arguably, EU’s international influence is neither directly proportional to its diplomatic operations nor the expenditure in foreign aid.
The diplomatic activities of EU countries cost more than 9 billion dollars annually, whereas the United States spends $8.3 billion in international governance. Furthermore, the European Union employs 80, 000 staff, while America hires less than 30,000 workers. Regarding the development aid, the US spends $30 billion dollars and the European commission spends $64 billion.
It is normal for any large global governance regime to have challenges in the implementation phase of international policies. However, the EU’s failures emanate from deeply settled and recurrent inter-institutional disagreements over diplomatic details[3]. For example, some member states like the United Kingdom have backtracked due to an ineffective implementation of Lisbon Treaty. Moreover, countries like Russia and the US sharply criticize the EU over alleged passivity and cautious approach to sensitive international issues.
During the 2011 Libyan Crisis, Britain and France played leading roles to assert EU’s position as a global leader. In fact, France contradicted and overshadowed EU leadership. On the other hand, EU members like Italy and Germany expressed the importance of passiveness and caution in decision making to avoid participation in costly wars. Disagreements such as these revealed emerging cracks in the Union. Today, a section of international relations experts cite the Libyan crisis and subsequent failures in international governance as some of the contributing factors to a British exit from the EU. The organization is yet to earn the respect of Asian and South American trade partners due to its elusiveness, unstable leadership, a slow integration process.
Reshaping EU’s international governance role calls for adequate representation of member states[4]. Countries like France and Germany are over-represented while Spain and Eastern European members are under-represented. There are more than 9 European representatives in G20 summits, hence a failure to address the issues of the emerging world. Consequently, this persistent disparity dilutes the voice of European Union in the UN Security Council. Additionally, the majority of EU states have representations in the Council’s rotational non-permanent membership. It implies that the EU (which comprises less than 6% of the world population) is responsible for more than a quarter of the global economy, has two UN veto powers, and holds a third of UNSC’s seats. The latest attempts to reform the United Nations Security Council have been futile. Mostly, the emerging countries put forward Brazil, India, and Japan as the potential new permanent seat holders. In the year 2010, nearly all the developing countries shot down EU’s plans to attain full speaking rights in the UN General assembly citing unfairness.
Further, the EU should demonstrate stability through coherent and timely response to crises within Europe and in the rest of the world. In this way, the organization will seal the fault lines revealed during British exit vote, refugee crisis, and the economic meltdown. It should also appreciate the current changes in the world economic order and the dramatic rise of Asia. Given that the European Union is one of the highest determinants of political well-being and regulation of economic activities across the planet, its operations should be independent of dominant states and hegemonic powers such as the United States, Germany, and France. If the member states equip it with appropriate mechanisms and finances to meet its goals, the organization may attain the respect of other global entities like IMF, AU, and UN. Truly, it is highly impossible for EU to attain a total autonomy but independence in dispute resolution is the first step towards success in international governance.
Moreover, the European Union should be efficient in imposing penalties to transgressors and in the execution of policies as implemented. Any organization with a mandate to regulate global affairs should exhibit objective internal governance. Global governance actors ought to act responsibly to regulate globalization outcomes and to strengthen the cooperation between its members[5]. The adopted leadership style should be sufficient to handle NGO proposals and political heat. Most importantly, the EU should balance the attention accorded to social issues and economic matters. Studies indicate that the Union of European States (in its current composition) concentrates on the global market outcomes and the existing form of governance such that it leaves a significant social gap.
In summary, the United Kingdom’s exit shows that EU will always face crises and setbacks. However, history proves the Union’s excellent recovery from crises due to the political will of dominant countries like France and Germany. Still, this should not be used as a justification of the subsequent failures that has eclipsed its global governance efforts in the recent past. Therefore, it is recommendable for the European Union to review its strategies and policies to accommodate the desires of emerging word powers. Particularly, the organization should learn from its experience to avoid future failures.

Bibliography
Barnett, Michael, and Raymond Duvall, eds. Power in Global Governance. Vol. 98. Cambridge University Press, 2004.
Benz, Arthur, and Ioannis Papadopoulos, eds. Governance and Democracy: Comparing National, European, and International Experiences. London: Routledge, 2014.
Eberlein, Burkard, and Abraham L. Newman. "Escaping the International Governance Dilemma? Incorporated Transgovernmental Networks in the European Union." Governance 21, no. 1 (2012): 25-52.
Eising, Rainer, and Beate Kohler-Koch, eds. The Transformation of Governance in the European Union. London: Routledge, 2014.
Windhoff-Héritier, Adrienne. Common Goods: Reinventing European and International Governance. Pennsylvania: Rowman & Littlefield, 2013.



[1] Barnett, Michael, and Raymond Duvall, eds. Power in Global Governance. Vol. 98. Cambridge University Press, 2004.
[2] Eberlein, Burkard, and Abraham L. Newman. "Escaping the International Governance Dilemma? Incorporated Transgovernmental Networks in the European Union." Governance 21, no. 1 (2012): 25-52.
[3] Windhoff-Héritier, Adrienne. Common Goods: Reinventing European and International Governance. Pennsylvania: Rowman & Littlefield, 2013.
[4] Eising, Rainer, and Beate Kohler-Koch, eds. The Transformation of Governance in the European Union. London: Routledge, 2014.
[5] Benz, Arthur, and Ioannis Papadopoulos, eds. Governance and Democracy: Comparing National, European, and International Experiences. London: Routledge, 2014.

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