Journalists
as Voice of State
More
often than not people view journalists as rigid and hard-line competitors for
audience's attention. While the claim is mostly true, there are times when the
media is obliged to soften its tone. Therefore, it is safe to say that media is
a malleable platform. There are multiple cases where media houses and
journalists have openly demonstrated their biased and flawed views. The war in Vietnam and Iraq are some of the best examples
when the internationally recognized journalists exposed their patriotic and
loyal stance to the government in power.
On
the other hand, US political constraints wielded no effect on UK ’s activity as the war
progressed. As such, UK had
an opportunity to conduct discussion on politically sensitive matters related
to Vietnam War, though their support inclined towards South Vietnam . The stark contrast
in reporting between journalists from both countries demonstrated an extent
that national interest took over the media activities during times of national
adversity. It demonstrates how journalists become voices of state with or
without their consent. During the time, most American newspapers reported on
operation sunrise when UK
media described in detail how the US military burned the innocent
villagers.
It
is possible that some individual journalists could not allow themselves to be
state puppets, but the media houses they were working for were anchored deeply
to the Pentagon. It is notable that different individuals own media houses.
Some of the owners have political interests or are supporters of the state.
Besides, the media system is prone to unfair competition for a state favor
(Venable 66). In fact, big media houses forge for alliances to increase their
chances of survival in the tumultuous environment such moves makes it harder to
have divergent opinions on how to cover current activities, especially
concerning sensitive matters touching on national security.
As
the Vietnam War gathered momentum, correspondents were accorded adequate
freedom to pen on what they deemed necessary. They were forced to shift focus,
however, as the US
become fully absorbed in war. Tighter regulations resulted in journalists being
reigned in. the US
government made it harder for journalists to travel to Vietnam unless they possessed
special document or were committed to supporting the state through their biased
media coverage. Expulsion was not uncommon, especially for journalists that
opted to take an honest stance in their reporting. The government authorities complicated
publication of work by some of the journalists that launched harsh criticism on
US
intervention.
Journalism
succeeded to an extent in Vietnam
by the year 1969. Many reporters began hunting out for stories though not many
penetrated the mainstream. Still, a little that got out altered the world's
view on America 's
uncouth and unjust activities, hence triggering mass protests and calls for a
ceasefire. As a final straw, the ‘My Lai ’
incident sparked a controversy on a global scale. Major international media
outlets including the New York Times covered
the story on a front page exclusively describing survivors’ accounts and
feelings. Revelations were made regarding how US soldiers gunned down Vietnamese
on the ground. Executions conducted by 20 soldiers in three distinct places
infuriated many. Gradually, America ’s inhumane behavior crept into the
mainstream media leading to a change in public opinion on the necessity of the
war hence Americas ’
defeat (Horten 42).
The world watched the developments in awe and became a
staunch spectator as America
invaded Iraq
on the basis of Sadaam
Hussein possessing mass
destruction weapons. It was the intention of Bush’s regime to exploit the void
stance. An adoption of “Operation Iraq Freedom’ title by most multiple US news
outlets such as FOX ,
MSNBC, and NBC is still vivid. What many civilians are unaware is that the
Pentagon dictated the title as a cover up of their intentions for invasion and
to convince the public of the essence of the war. A decade later, it is
beginning to emerge that the war resulted in destabilization of the Middle East . Besides, no weapons of mass destruction were
ever recovered from the crumbling Iraq regime (Haass 63). The US government alone cannot bear the
blame for the atrocities committed and the resultant disastrous consequences of
Iraq War: the media failed by becoming a state voice in the war's course.
For many years, interventionism has been viewed as a
symbolism of power politics where a provision of humanitarian aid to
destabilized countries is a cover-up of a pursuit for Western ideologies and
interests. Most experts and political
activists observe that Western media is subservient to ruling elites. In fact,
years of display of journalists' patriotic stances during US and allies'
political interventions on fragile states have yielded a development of a media
culture that influences start-up media houses. If newspapers are put down and
TV sets turned off for a few days, people will notice how the government has
gripped and altered their mindsets through the media.
The most recent development with regards to America ’s interventions in North Africa and the
Middle-East states does not conclude that all US journalists are a voice of
state. However, there are significantly limited choices available for ethical
journalists. Journalists that strive to remain objective in their activity are
instead forced to be subjective due to pentagon’s tight control on the media.
Troop units were embedded with journalists sent to Iraq battlegrounds. The pentagon
ingenuity ensured that the journalists were not only part of the war but also,
they were under the control of the military. It is exactly how the US
wanted: the journalist on the state’s side. The subjectivity took hold as soon
as the media became part of America ’s
war leading to viewpoint warping (Kuypers et al. 7).
While the tactic of integrating journalists to military
units has been used on numerous occasions before, the magnitude at which it was
applied during the Iraq
war was staggering. It indicated the direction and the intention of the
government to absorb the media as part of the state in future conflicts. The
move brings into sharper focus the importance of paying a keen attention to the
validity of embedded journalists’ reports. More than evident, embedding
journalism has a direct effect on the process itself hence a distortion of
facts on the ground. The susceptibility of US journalism to pentagon’s interests
is solidified by a demonstration of inter press-state relation skills. It is an
ingenious move on the Pentagon’s side albeit surprising media values. The state
figured out it is hard for a journalist to remain impartial to its interests if
they are conjoined with military platoons. The military had an upper hand in
endorsing media contents thus ensuring journalists are indeed the state's
voice.
Three
months into Iraq War, it became openly evident that journalists in the war-torn
country were embedded. The media became motivated to get across war images as
required by viewers at home. The viewers needed a proof that America ’s war was not in vain and
most importantly, it was not wastage of taxpayers’ resources. Therefore, the
military had to suspend firefight to allow the embedded journalists to cover
positive stories and file them for viewers at home. The reports were
unrealistic: there was a failure in capturing the real picture. One study
conducted on major American media outlets’ 3-day coverage of the war revealed
that not a single storyline depicted how Iraqis were constantly hit by American
weapons. The study outcome was contrary to the reality that over half-a-million
lives were lost (Burke et al. 892).
American
military failure to curb looting of Iraqi government assets should have
captured word headlines if the journalists were actually not the voice of the
state. It was a demonstration of carelessness and a depiction of Americas '
lack of interest in restoring law and order after toppling a formerly
functional government. American journalists worked harder to cover the
government's lack of plan after ousting Sadaam's though the news later
resurfaced. More than a decade later, America ’s troops and its western
allies are still struggling to clear up the mess made by President
George W.
Bush ’s government. The American
public is increasingly becoming aware of the government’s tactics involving the
use of journalists as a misleading force. Since then, the media’s pro-war is
gradually changing.
Ironically,
there was a portrayal of two wars. Loyal media houses including SKY , FOX and CNN depicted a no-casualty war. The war
had no dead soldiers in body bags brought back home. Loss of lives did not
matter to the pro-government corporate media houses because they did not
conduct a proper documentation (Dimitrova et al. 158). On the other hand, there
was a real dragging war that triggered one of the worst humanitarian crises in
history. Over 2.5 million Iraqis fled the country with another similar number
displaced within Iraq .
Hundreds of thousands of civilians lost lives. American media became numb to
this type of war.
In
summary, there were signs of professionalism on how journalists covered the
first months of Vietnam War but as it progressed, the US government hijacked the media’s
interests. The move made a majority of journalists ‘voice of state’. Iraqi War,
on the other hand, exposed the evolving government tactics targeted at taming
the media through embedding journalists. It is one of the most severe cases in
history where a state manipulates journalism to forge and pursue its interests
comfortably.
Works
Cited
Burkle, Frederick ,
and Richard Garfield . "Civilian mortality after
the 2003 invasion of Iraq ." The Lancet 381.9870 (2013): 877-879.
Dimitrova, Daniela
V. , and Colleen Connolly-Ahern .
"A tale of two wars: Framing analysis of online news sites in coalition
countries and the Arab world during the Iraq war." The Howard Journal
of Communications 18.2
(2007): 153-168.
Haass, Richard N.
"The Irony of American Strategy." Foreign
Affairs 92.3 (2013): 57-64.
Horten, Gerd. "The mediatization of war: A
comparison of the American and German media coverage of the Vietnam and Iraq Wars." American Journalism28.4 (2011):
29-53.
Kuypers, Jim
A. , and Stephen D.
Cooper . "A comparative
framing analysis of embedded and behind-the-lines reporting on the 2003 Iraq
War." Qualitative
Research Reports in Communication 6.1
(2005): 1-10.
Venable, Barry E.
"The Army and the media." Military
Review 82.1 (2002): 66.
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